Hogeye wrote:Definition from Wikipedia:
"Freethought is a philosophical doctrine that holds that beliefs should be formed on scientific facts and inquiry and not be comprised by authority, tradition or any other dogmatic belief system that restricts logical reasoning."
So, Darrel, when I write, "we freethinkers reject all authority over our minds," this is simply applying the definition of "freethinker." If you are not one of us who reject all authority over our minds, then you are not a freethinker.
DAR
Oh kiss my freethinker butt. People use and define words differently and no one is obliged to subscribe to your favorite one.
Your vague phrase "authority over our minds" is not clear to me at all. Freethinkers, including you, can and do regularly acknowledge, accept and respect all sorts of authority and they do so entirely consistent with being freethinkers. Obviously you recognize the Supreme Court's authority on this matter regarding the 2nd amendment or you would't waste any time talking about it. It's not like the Constitution is just something you read on the bathroom wall. Within the context of our society, it matters not one whit what Hogeye thinks about the Constitution, or who he thinks should interprete it. It matters a great deal what the SC thinks it says. This doesn't make their interpretation infallible but it does, through an extensive system of representative government and checks and balances, make it the law of the land.
I still find it profoundly inconsistent to ascribe any power or value to one little part of the Constitution you do like (the 2nd, when interpreted your special NRA way), but then think you can just throw out the part about who is duly assigned interpret it.
You think it matters enough to expend a lot of time and energy talking about the 2nd, so this is a tacit recognition of it's power and authority. You can say you don't recognize authority and will only stop at every second stop sign if you want, but what matters here in the real world, is what the law says about such behavior, because that is what is going to be enforced.
You seem to have a rudimentary misunderstanding of the appeal to authority fallacy. Consider this:
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This fallacy is committed when the person in question is not a legitimate authority on the subject. More formally, if person A is not qualified to make reliable claims in subject S, then the argument will be fallacious.
This sort of reasoning is fallacious when the person in question is not an expert. In such cases the reasoning is flawed because the fact that an unqualified person makes a claim does not provide any justification for the claim. The claim could be true, but the fact that an unqualified person made the claim does not provide any rational reason to accept the claim as true.
When a person falls prey to this fallacy, they are accepting a claim as true without there being adequate evidence to do so. More specifically, the person is accepting the claim because they erroneously believe that the person making the claim is a legitimate expert and hence that the claim is reasonable to accept. Since people have a tendency to believe authorities (and there are, in fact, good reasons to accept some claims made by authorities) this fallacy is a fairly common one.
Since this sort of reasoning is fallacious only when the person is not a legitimate authority in a particular context, it is necessary to provide some acceptable standards of assessment. The following standards are widely accepted:
the rest
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DAR
There is good reason to respect the authority of someone who is an expert in constitution law. Harriet Myers, Bush's nominee and accomplished lawyer had far more training in law than you or I but non-the-less was deemed wholly unworthy largely because of her almost complete lack of expertise in "constitutional law". We observed this over and over in the global warming debate where you constantly had appeal to non-experts because all of the experts, almost without exception, strongly disagreed with your position. Now when cornered and asked to come up with a superior system of assigning who should judge the meaning of the 2nd, you posit that Bangalore high school graduates are better qualified to interpret and dissect constitutional law than the people who have been deemed experts in a very extensive selection process of peer review. That's laughable of course.
In reality we constantly find that when people get out of their area of expertise, they make the most rudimentary mistakes. I see this when I deal with professional pianists, people with perhaps even a doctorate in piano. I routinely see that they haven't the foggiest idea regarding piano tuning or a proper test of when a piano is in or out of tune. It is quite amazing that someone can be so proficient with an instrument in one area (playing) and so absolutely clueless in another area (tuning). Likewise, some of the best piano tuners in the world cannot play piano at all. Almost 1/2 of piano tuners do not "play piano" at all.
When I quote the ABA's opinion of the second amendment, or the Supreme Court's, I am quoting a respected authority and people who have devoted their lives to studying law. People who have attained their position through extensive training and peer review. I am not committing the fallacy of appeal to authority when I give their opinion a great deal more authority than the musings of someone who can repeat NRA religious talking points.
As I quote the ABA's position on this, some may notice the pattern of how they are struggling against the propaganda and mythology spread by the NRA in a way similar to how global warming experts struggle against the propaganda and mythology put forward by the global warming skeptics.
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As part of a comprehensive policy position adopted in 1994, the ABA committed itself to work to better inform the public and lawmakers through a sustained educational campaign regarding the true import of the Second Amendment. Opponents of firearms control legislation have relied upon the Second Amendment's guarantee of "the right to bear arms." The Second Amendment, in its entirety, states:
"A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed."
The United States Supreme Court and lower federal courts have consistently interpreted this Amendment only as a prohibition against Federal interference with State militia and not as a guarantee of an individual's right to keep or carry firearms. The argument that the Second Amendment prohibits all State or Federal regulation of citizen's ownership of firearms has no validity whatsoever.
The controversy over the meaning of the Second Amendment exists only in the public debate over gun control. Few issues have been more distorted and cluttered by misinformation than this one. There is no confusion in the law itself. The strictest gun control laws in the nation have been upheld against Second Amendment challenge, including local bans on handguns. The Supreme Court enunciated in United States v. Miller, 307 U.S. 174 (1939) what, over fifty years later, remains clearly the law of this country -- that the scope of the people's right to bear arms is limited by the introductory phrase of the Second Amendment regarding the necessity of a "well regulated militia" for the "security of a free State." In Miller, the Court held that the "obvious purpose" of the Amendment was "to assure the continuation and render possible the effectiveness of..." the state militias and cautioned that the Amendment "must be interpreted and applied with that end in view."
Since today's "well regulated militia" does not use privately owned firearms, courts since Miller have unanimously held that regulation of such guns does not offend the Second Amendment. The Supreme Court has twice reaffirmed its view of the Second Amendment as expressed in Miller. In Burton v. Sills, 394 U.S. 812 (1968), the Court dismissed a gun owner's appeal, for want of a substantial federal question, of a New Jersey Supreme Court holding that the Second Amendment permits regulation of firearms "so long as the regulation does not impair the active, organized militias of the states." Most recently, in Lewis v. United States, 445 U.S. 55 (1980), the Court held that legislative restrictions on the use of firearms do not - for purposes of equal protection analysis - "trench upon any constitutionally protected liberties."
The lower federal courts have uniformly followed the interpretation of the Supreme Court. No legislation regulating the private ownership of firearms has been struck down in our nation's history on Second Amendment grounds.
Yet the perception that the Second Amendment is somehow an obstacle to Congress and state and local legislative bodies fashioning laws to regulate firearms remains a pervasive myth. The gun lobby has conducted extensive and expensive campaigns to foster this misperception and the result has been that the myth of the "absolute bar of the Second Amendment" has real effects on regulatory efforts.
As lawyers, as representatives of the legal profession, and as recognized experts on the meaning of the Constitution and our system of justice, we share a responsibility to the public and lawmakers to "say what the law is." The ABA is committed to bringing about a more reasoned and lawyerly discussion of the meaning and import of the Second Amendment.
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LINK
D.
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free-think-er n. A person who forms opinions about religion on the basis of reason, independently of tradition, authority, or established belief.
One definition used by the
FFRF and my Websters New World, Third College Edition